Archive for the 'Governance Issues' Category
The Atomic Energy Act of 1946: The Genesis of the Imperial Presidency

The last time United States Congress passed a bill with the title “Declaration of War” was in June 1942, against Romania. Given that the United States military has engaged in actions that clearly meet the standard of war in Asia, Europe, Africa and Latin America, the question is why haven’t we had a Congressional declaration of war since then?

In this segment from a recent lecture from the Berkeley Arts & Letter Series, historian Garry Wills, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Bomb Power: The Modern Presidency and the National Security State, discusses the transformation of American politics, and of the Presidency itself, that occurred in the decades since the nuclear bomb was developed and the importance of the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 (pdf.) in understanding the development of the Imperial Presidency.

“The Bomb,” he writes, “altered our subsequent history down to its deepest constitutional roots,” redefining the presidency in ways that the Constitution does not intend. “It fostered an anxiety of continuing crisis, so that society was pervasively militarized. It redefined the government as a National Security State, with an apparatus of secrecy and executive control. It redefined Congress, as an executor of the executive.”

The Atomic Energy Act of 1946, also known as the McMahon Act after its chief sponsor Senator Brien McMahon of Connecticut, was signed by President Truman on August 1, 1946. While the primary purpose of the Atomic Energy Act was to establish the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) to safeguard and aid in regulating atomic resources, and to creat a five-person committee to oversee the activities of the AEC, the Act began to redefine the Constitutional powers of the Presidency usurping from Congress its Constitutionally mandated power to declare war by giving the President the extraordinary power to initiate and wage nuclear war.

The notes to the lecture:

Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Garry Wills examines how the atomic bomb transformed our nation down to its deepest constitutional roots — by dramatically increasing the power of the modern presidency and redefining the government as a national security state — in ways still felt today. A masterful reckoning from one of America’s preeminent historians, Bomb Power draws a direct line from the Manhattan Project to the usurpations of George W. Bush.

The invention of the atomic bomb was a triumph of official secrecy and military discipline — the project was covertly funded at the behest of the president and, despite its massive scale, never discovered by Congress or the press. This concealment was perhaps to be expected in wartime, but Wills persuasively argues that the Manhattan Project then became a model for the covert operations and overt authority that have defined American government in the nuclear era. The wartime emergency put in place during World War II extended into the Cold War and finally the war on terror, leaving us in a state of continuous war alert for 68 years and counting.

The bomb forever changed the institution of the presidency since only the president controls “the button” and, by extension, the fate of the world. Wills underscores how radical a break this was from the division of powers established by our founding fathers and how it in turn has enfeebled Congress and the courts. The bomb also placed new emphasis on the President’s military role, creating a cult around the commander in chief. The tendency of modern presidents to flaunt military airs, Wills points out, is entirely a postbomb phenomenon. Finally, the Manhattan Project inspired the vast secretive apparatus of the national security state, including intelligence agencies such as the CIA and NSA, which remain largely unaccountable to Congress and the American people.

Wills recounts how, following World War II, presidential power increased decade by decade until reaching its stunning apogee with the Bush administration. Both provocative and illuminating, Bomb Power casts the history of the postwar period in a new light and sounds an alarm about the continued threat to our Constitution.

The full lecture is at Fora TV.

Haiti’s Curse of Corruption

Corruption was a major problem in Haiti even before the massive earthquake that struck the country nearly a month ago, killing some 200,000 people.

Now reports have emerged that counterfeiters are producing fake food coupons, coming on the heels of revelations that a thriving black market of aid supplies has sprung up.

Al Jazeera’s Rob Reynolds reports from the capital Port-au-Prince on what many have called Haiti’s “curse of corruption”. Transparency International, a global civil society organisation leading the fight against corruption, has ranked Haiti as one of the world’s most corrupt societies. In the group’s most recent annual ranking published in November 2009, Haiti came 168th out of 180 countries. As recently as 2005, Haiti was ranked the third most corrupt society in the world.

More from the BBC:

The international community has pledged to assist Haiti with billions of dollars in assistance, not only to help in the immediate aftermath of the devastating earthquake, but also in the long-term reconstruction of the country.

But there are concerns that corruption could see some of the money not getting to the people, and the delays in aid deliveries are being seen by some as a sign that something clearly is not right.

We drive towards a camp in the centre of Port-au-Prince. Open land only has one use here, and a former Catholic school, its buildings crumbled and damaged, is now home to hundreds of people.

The playground is full of children playing football and basketball. The school fields are packed with row after row of tents and tarpaulins.
It is clear that there are no international relief agencies operating here; the smell is a sign that there is no proper sanitation.

It is just Haitians trying to survive with what little they have left. For the people who now call this home, they don’t know who will help them.
“If there is a government, I haven’t seen it yet. And if there is a government I would say it’s the Americans, the foreigners, who came here to help,” says Joseph Lolo Elda, who helps out looking after the women here.

Many of the people in the camp believe that because they aren’t seeing the aid, it is going missing somewhere – and that someone is making money out of their misery.

Haiti is rated as one of the worst countries in the world for corruption by Transparency International, a monitoring group. In the group’s annual ranking, Haiti came 168th out of 180 countries.

A combination of endemic corruption, the now non-existent institutional infrastructure, and the large amounts of money flowing into the country all make this the perfect time to commit crime.

(more…)

F2F? A Cure for the Dysfunctional US Senate

The Economist has an interesting post with an intriguing slideshow presentation on the evolving relationships in the US Senate. The graph, created by Andrew Odewahn, an information-design expert, maps the voting relationships in the US Senate since 1991.

Back in 1991-93, there were a surprising number of senators who constituted linked nodes between the main clouds of Republicans and Democrats. Howell Heflin, Richard Shelby, Bob Packwood, William Cohen, Mark Hatfield and Arlen Specter all had significant links across party lines, and it was still possible for Jesse Helms to be off in his own far-right world. Nowadays, it’s impossible to get far to the right of mainstream Republicans, because half of the Republicans are already there. By the 104th Congress, following the “Republican revolution” of 1994, the middle space was almost entirely unoccupied, and through the next three congresses only Jim Jeffords, Lincoln Chafee and Arlen Specter dared brave the chasm between the parties. In George Bush’s first term, following September 11th, bipartisanship again became an option, and cross-party links proliferated. But by the current Congress, things had gone back to the bad old days of the mid-90s: every single connection between the main clouds of the two parties now runs through Ben Nelson, Olympia Snowe or Susan Collins.

If this were a Facebook community, for the vast majority of either party, the legend next to any member of the other party would read: “You have 0 friends in common.” What Barack Obama was attempting to do by visiting the Republican issues retreat was to smack himself down in the middle of that divide. The social divide is, of course, most striking because it appears not to correspond to any reasonable ideological divide; as Mr Obama told the Republican senators, the health-care reform that passed the Senate on party lines is an extremely moderate bill, the most conservative and private-sector-friendly version of universal health insurance imaginable. But that doesn’t really matter; the clash in the Senate isn’t about policy. It’s a war between two cliques. It’s not clear whether aggressive friendliness can overcome the drive towards social self-segregation. But the Democrats no longer have 60 votes in the Senate, and if the country is going to get anything done in the next three years, the only way forward is to try and make some friends.

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Jeremy Rifkin on The Empathic Civilization

The Empathic Civilization is the first book to explore how empathetic consciousness restructures the ways we organize our personal lives, approach knowledge, pursue science and technology, conduct commerce and governance, and orchestrate civil society. The development of this empathetic consciousness is essential to creating a future where we think and behave like the whole world matter.

Jeremy Rifkin is president of the Foundation on Economic Trends and the author of seventeen bestselling books on the impact of scientific and technological changes on the economy, the workforce, society, and the environment. One of the most popular social thinkers of our time, Rifkin is the bestselling author of The European Dream, The Hydrogen Economy, The Age of Access, The Biotech Century, and The End of Work.

This lecture is part of the @Google series of talks and took place on January 25, 2010.

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Davos 2010 World Economic Forum — Rethinking Africa’s Growth Strategy

Africa’s growth strategy is developing new plot lines as the International Monetary Fund expects growth in sub-Saharan Africa to be 1% above the global average; trade with China now tops US$ 100 billion a year.

How is Africa’s growth strategy changing and what will it reveal in 2010 and beyond?

The Panelists
Donald Kaberuka, President, African Development Bank (ADB), Tunis
Jakaya M. Kikwete, President of Tanzania
Li Ruogu, Chairman and President, Export-Import Bank of China, People’s Republic of China; Global Agenda Council on the International Monetary System
Jubril Adewale Tinubu, Group Chief Executive, Oando, Nigeria; Young Global Leader; Global Agenda Council on the Future of Africa

The panel is moderated by Maria Ramos, Group Chief Executive, Absa Group, South Africa; Global Agenda Council on the Future of Africa

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Davos 2010 World Economic Forum — Rethinking Energy Security

Shifts in supply and demand, as well as challenges posed by climate change, will exert ever greater pressure on both corporate and national energy planning over the next decades.

What is needed to tackle the interlinked issues of energy security, economic growth and climate change?

Panelists
Fatih Birol, Chief Economist, International Energy Agency, Paris; Global Agenda Council on Energy Security
Robert D. Hormats, US Undersecretary of State for Economic, Energy and Agricultural Affairs
Lars G. Josefsson, President and Chief Executive Officer, Vattenfall, Sweden
Jim Leape, Director-General, WWF International, World Wide Fund for Nature, Switzerland; Global Agenda Council on Climate Change
Anand Sharma, Minister of Commerce and Industry of India

This panel is moderated by Armen Sarkissian, President and Founder, Eurasia House International, United Kingdom; Global Agenda Council on Energy Security

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Davos 2010 World Economic Forum — The Next Global Crisis

The G20 is focused on preventing a repeat of the financial crisis, but the next global crisis to threaten the global economy is likely to be off the radar screen of policy-makers, as have previous ones. What warning signals need our urgent attention? In partnership with the World Economic Forum, CNBC hosts this debate focusing on the challenges and choices to be made to prevent the next great global crisis.

The panel is subtitled: Back to the Future.

Panelists
Barney Frank, Congressman from Massachusetts (Democrat), 4th District; Chairman, Financial Services Committee, USA
Jacob A. Frenkel, Chairman, JPMorgan Chase International, JPMorgan Chase & Co., USA
Lord Levene, Chairman, Lloyd’s, United Kingdom
Anand G. Mahindra, Vice-Chairman and Managing Director, Mahindra & Mahindra, India
Kenneth Rogoff, Thomas D. Cabot Professor of Public Policy and Professor of Economics, Harvard University,
Zhu Min, Deputy Governor of the People’s Bank of China, People’s Republic of China; Global Agenda Council on the International Monetary System

This panel is moderated by Maria Bartiromo, Anchor, CNBC’s Closing Bell; Host and Managing Editor, Wall Street Journal Report, CNBC, USA; Young Global Leader; Global Agenda Council on Systemic Financial Risk.

A word: the panel does not get started until the 11:25 minute mark due to live television issues.

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Davos 2010 World Economic Forum — Redefining the Global Commons

Despite universal awareness that we live in an interdependent world replete with systemic risks and governance gaps, there is no shared agreement on what comprises the global commons. This session addresses what is meant by the global commons.

If the oceans and ozone layer met this definition only in the last century, how should the global commons be redefined in an era when the Internet is critical to commerce and rain forests to fight climate change?

The World Economic Forum Brainstorming will examine this timely and important question in all its dimensions.

This session was facilitated by Nik Gowing, Main Presenter, BBC World News, United Kingdom.

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