“We are not saying that it is sponsored by the Pakistan government,” India’s Deputy Home Minister Shakeel Ahmad told the BBC, adding that Pakistani soil was nevertheless being used for “anti-India” activities.
“The terrorists who have been killed in these encounters in Mumbai in the last few days were of Pakistani origin,” Ahmad said, as well as the lone gunman arrested after the stunning coordinated attacks in India’s financial capital.
It’s clear that Pakistan has a problem and by extension we do. The attacks in Mumbai are focusing world attention on Pakistan’s role in global jihad. Certainly no reasoned voices accuse the upper echelons of the Pakistani government of aiding or abetting the Mumbai terror attack, but Pakistan seems unable to control the forces of an evermore violent and extreme global Islamic Jihadi movement that is based on its soil. It is as if Pakistan is but a madrassa for global jihad.
It’s time to confront the bitter reality that Pakistan is a failed state and one with nuclear weapons and 168 million people. Its raison d’etre from the start was born from the whim and determination of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founder of the state, as a state for Muslims carved out of British India. Problem is that Jinnah failed to provide a compass for the nascent state. Jinnah was no Nehru. The country has drifted aimlessly suffering one brutal dictatorship after another. The brief democratic interludes weren’t any better as one corrupt clique or another ruled with the aim of self-richment. The people of Pakistan deserve better. And the world can no longer tolerate the noxious violence that poverty and ignorance is breeding in the villages of forgotten Pakistan.
“The grim truth is that Pakistan is becoming something alarmingly close to a failed state. And that could have disastrous consequences for the United States, NATO and Afghanistan’’s struggle to hold back its own Taliban insurgency.” — Sumit Ganguly, Director of Research at the Center on American and Global Security at Indiana University on October 10, 2008
Here are a few articles on Pakistan’s role in global jihad and the failure of the Pakistani state to seriously address the problem over the past decade or more as well as the perspective of a Pakistani.
India Is Pointing In the Right Direction
By Claus Christian Malzahn in Der Spiegel.
Is Pakistan a Failed State?
The Pakistani government has long ago given up control of this region. The army and the ISI, which takes a lion’s share of the national budget, lead their own independent existence. Their links to the Taliban and to Islamic groups in Kashmir and India have grown.
Even if the government in Islamabad showed a will to crack down on these tribal areas, it’s doubtful the army and the ISI would follow orders. Even Pakistan’s former President Pervez Musharraf was unable to keep a lid on terrorism, and unlike his successor he had not just political but military power.
All in all, medium-term prospects for the subcontinent are rather gloomy. Pakistan recently had to be taken under the wing of the IMF. The state is as good as bankrupt. Its political leadership is either corrupt or — when it comes to the military-intelligence service complex — almost without influence.
And somewhere in Pakistan, nuclear weapons are stored. The Americans have always vouched that the weapons of mass destruction in the bunkers between Karachi and Lahore were secure — but that was before American helicopters were fired at in Pakastani airspace by, ostensibly, their closest allies in the War on Terror.
From a political point of view Pakistan is nearly a failed state. But no Western statesman will say that out loud, because openly admitting it will not make things any easier.
The next American president seems to understand the reality of power relations in Pakistan. During the campaign, Barack Obama’s rhetoric in this regard set him apart with surprising clarity from his opponent John McCain. Whereas the Republican put diplomatic negotiations with the regime in Islamabad up front and centre, Obama was open about bringing military intervention in the tribal areas into the discussion. Strengthening the US presence there seems, in any case, a firm part of Obama’s agenda. The planned American withdrawal from Iraq could — in a worst-case scenario — be followed by an invasion of Pakistan. This must not be something he wants, at least not in the fullest sense. Even Vietnam was never imagined as a long war.
Naturally Obama will talk with the government in Islamabad. But the fact that he has emphasized military strength shows that he is soberly, if pessimistically, assessing the political power relations between the army and the Pakastani government.
The coming weeks should demonstrate what the Pakastanis are in a position to undertake in the battle against terror. If they want to prevent the Americans from raising the stakes, they must act now. Of course the chances of purging the jihad zone with one, two, or three military actions — whether from Americans, Pakastanis, or some combination — are very slim. If a serious battle there is now envisaged, it will be very protracted.