I’m glad to see the well-respected Democratic Party pollster Douglas Schoen partially agree with me that this election has become a referendum on the forty year Republican Era. Tuesday seems ever more likely to bring the first Democratic landslide in 44 years and only the fourth ever in the nation’s history. For a party that dates back to 1828 and has largely been the party out of power, this is as good as it gets. If you have been reading my polling posts you may have noticed this point:
This election increasingly seems a repudiation of the Republican era, but it is not necessarily a validation of Senator Obama and his brand of politics.
Today Mr. Schoen writes in an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal.
There is a very challenging question facing America that few pundits and politicians have discussed as we approach an election that could produce a landslide of potentially historic proportions.
How will a renewed and increased Democratic majority judge the results of the election? What implications will they draw from these results?
Stated simply, if the Democrats conclude that they have a mandate to implement their agenda without real consultation with the Republicans, as Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island suggested in an interview with the New York Times last weekend, the country will be headed for trouble.
Real trouble.
This election is not a mandate for Democratic policies. Rather, it is a wholesale rejection of the policies of George W. Bush, Republicans, and to a lesser extent, John McCain. But it is not, as poll after poll has shown, an embrace of the Democratic Congress, which has approval ratings that are actually lower than that of the president.
While I am not convinced that most Americans understand the historical significance of all that has occurred since 1968, an era of unbridled deregulation and widening income inequality that has sapped the power of the country during which the Democratic Party devolved from its working class roots to become a GOP-lite tied intimately to corporatist interests and espousing an economic ideology more Friedmanist than Keynesian, the American electorate in 2008 seems to be voicing a deep and profound rejection of trickle down economics, globalization run amok and regressive tax policies that has left most Americans falling behind in global living standards and socio-economic metrics. The US ranks 38th in life expectancy in 2008. In 1964, the US ranked 10th. But let’s dig a little deeper.
On average, US life expectancy rose by three years (from 73.7 to 76.7) between 1980 and 2000, but the largest gains were made by the most affluent layers of the population, leading to a growing gap in life expectancy between the lower and higher income groups.
In a study for US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), Dr. Gopal Singh and Professor Mohammed Siahpush measured social and economic conditions in every US county by examining 2000 census data on education, income, poverty, housing and other factors.
The report said in 1980-1982, people in the most affluent group could expect to live 2.8 years longer than those in the poorest (75.8 versus 73 years). By 1998-2000, the difference in life expectancy had increased to 4.5 years (79.2 versus 74.7), and it continues to widen.
“Life expectancy was higher for the most affluent in 1980 than for the most deprived group in 2000,” he said. “If you look at the extremes in 2000,” Dr. Singh added, “men in the most deprived counties had 10 years’ shorter life expectancy than women in the most affluent counties (71.5 versus 81.3 years).”
On almost every measure, Americans are growing apart. The chasm between rich and poor is not just wider but also deeper. In short, as Paul Krugman noted at height of the market turbulence this past month “we are a banana republic with nukes.” These results aren’t by accident. In 2008, the US is far poorer as a collective society than we were in 1964 despite our many technological comforts. The harsh reality is that the United States is a clefted nation as a result of the Friedmanistic economic policies pursued by Republican and Democrat alike since 1968 and clefted nations have a propensity to fail.
Nancy Krieger, a professor at the Harvard School of Public Health, has found that trends in life expectancy have paralleled the decrease or increase in social inequality over the past 40 years. Kreiger found that the rate of premature mortality—dying before the age of 65—and infant death from 1960 to 2002, shrank between 1966 and 1980, but then widened over the next 20 years.
“The recent trend of growing disparities in health status is not inevitable,” she said. “From 1966 to 1980, socio-economic disparities declined in tandem with a decline in mortality rates.” She said the creation of Medicaid and Medicare—the two major federal programs for the poor and elderly—along with health centers, the social programs of LBJ’s “war on poverty” had contributed to a narrowing the earlier inequalities in health.
The dismantling of these programs—by both Republican and Democratic administrations—over the last four decades, and the redistribution of wealth to the top — a trickle up — that has resulted, has produced a catastrophe for a majority of Americans to the extent it has even affected life spans. This is the result of the Republican espousal of Friedmanism and Democratic acquiesence of the right’s not so gilded Gilded Age. The great deregulators were Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Failed us, they have.
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